|
Chapter 8 > Leaders and the Public > Where the Public and Leaders Agree |
|
Where the Public and Leaders Agree
As indicated later in this chapter, there are many substantial disagreements between leaders and the public. But there are also areas of agreement. On just over a third (38%) of all the questions asked of both leaders and the public in 2002, the difference between the proportion of leaders and the proportion of the public taking a given position is less than 10 percentage points. Differences that small are taken as constituting agreement.
Some percentages given in this chapter differ by small amounts from those reported in previous chapters. Here, for the sake of comparability, all "don't know" and "not sure" responses were excluded before calculating percentages.
Refocused Internationalism After 9/11
The tragic events of 9/11 have had a deep impact on leaders as well as the public.
Eighty-three percent of leaders, like 91% of the public, identify terrorism
as a critical threat to U.S. vital interests, and 61% percent of each group
judge Islamic fundamentalism to be a critical threat. Eighty-seven percent of
leaders, like 92% of the public, say that combating international terrorism
should be a very important foreign policy goal.
The Goal: Security at Home
The terrorist attacks spurred leaders, like ordinary Americans, to focus on
security against threats to the U.S. homeland. Eighty-nine percent of the leaders,
like 91% of the public, say that preventing the spread of nuclear weapons should
be a very important goal of U.S. foreign policy. Leaders and the public also
agree on some traditional issues of national security, with 55% of leaders and
58% of the public saying that defending our allies’ security should be
very important. Similar proportions of leaders and the public (59% of the public,
61% of the leaders) say that combating world hunger should be a very important
foreign policy goal, while similar proportions give lower priority to other
altruistic goals: only 46% of leaders, like 47% of the public, rate promoting
and defending human rights in other countries as a very important goal, and
only a third of each say that helping to bring a democratic form of government
to other nations should be a very important goal of U.S. foreign policy.
Military Superpower, With Limits
Following 9/11, the deployment and conditional use of military force has enjoyed
extensive support among leaders as well as the public. Ninety percent of both
leaders and public favor U.S. air strikes against terrorist training camps.
Similarly large majorities of leaders (83%) and public (88%) favor using U.S.
ground troops to attack terrorist camps. Nearly two-thirds of both leaders and
the public favor using U.S. troops to help the government of Pakistan—if
requested—against a radical Islamic revolution. While force against terrorism
stands out as a priority, both leaders and public are willing to use troops
in other circumstances, with majorities of more than 80% in favor of using troops
for the humanitarian purpose of stopping genocide.
To execute military operations, similar proportions of both leaders and the public support the stationing of U.S. troops abroad in five of the 10 actual or potential locations for bases that we asked about. Among leaders, like the public, support is highest for bases on the soil of longtime allies or in well-established locations: about two-thirds or more of leaders, like the public, support bases in South Korea, Germany, Japan, and the Philippines. Support for tackling international challenges is also evident in the 68% of leaders and 63% of the public who favor expanded spending on gathering intelligence information about other countries. Moreover, opposition to military aid to other countries has declined significantly in both groups: the overwhelming support by three-quarters of leaders and of the public for cutting military aid to other nations in earlier Chicago Council surveys has dwindled over time by about 30 points, to 41% for leaders and 48% for the public. (By contrast, three-quarters of both groups continue to support expanded spending on education and health care.)
Leaders and ordinary Americans do, however, share some ambivalence about the
extent and the conditions under which U.S. military might is deployed. Both
are split concerning establishing bases in Uzbekistan and whether 44,000 troops
in Japan is “too many” or “about right.” (Forty-nine
per cent of leaders, like 46% of the public, say too many.) Leaders and the
public join in disavowing the first use of nuclear weapons, with only a fifth
of each taking the position that in certain circumstances, the United States
should use nuclear weapons even if it has not suffered a nuclear attack.
International Cooperation
The substantial convergence of the public and leaders on support for an active
U.S. role in the world is premised on working with allies and through international
organizations and agreements. Two-thirds of leaders and of the public favor
the United States keeping its current commitment to the NATO military alliance
with Western Europe the same. Very large majorities of three-quarters or more
of each group favor the treaties to ban all use of land mines (75% of leaders,
80% of the public) and to prohibit nuclear weapons testing (83% of leaders,
85% of the public.) Majorities of 80% and more among both leaders and public
favor "having joint training exercises of UN member countries so that their
militaries will be better prepared to work together in combat situations."
Leaders and the public both look to diplomatic and other nonmilitary foreign
policy tools. A similar 49% of leaders and 44% of citizens agree that “strengthening
international law and institutions” should be a very important foreign
policy goal. By overwhelming margins of 90% or more, both leaders and citizens
favor diplomatic efforts to apprehend suspects and dismantle terrorist training
camps, working through the UN to strengthen international laws against terrorism
and to make sure UN members enforce them, and setting up an international system
to cut off funding for terrorism. For countries targeted as part of the “axis
of evil,” similarly high proportions of leaders and the public favor the
use of economic sanctions, with a little over 60% favoring them against North
Korea and a bit over 70% favoring them against Iraq.
The Global Economy
The public and leaders share a general confidence about the U.S. position in
the world economy that is intermixed with uneasiness and concern. Wariness about
globalization is reflected in the 49% of leaders who agree with 56% of the public
that safeguarding against global financial instability should be a very important
U.S. foreign policy goal.
Both leaders and the public strongly support international trade under specific conditions. Nearly threequarters of both leaders and the public agree with the statement that “I favor free trade and I believe that it is necessary for the government to have programs to help workers who lose their jobs.” A remarkable consensus of 89% of leaders and 95% of the public agree that countries that are part of international trade agreements should be required to maintain minimum standards for working conditions. Eighty-eight percent of leaders and 96% of the public say the same about minimum standards for protection of the environment. Oversized majorities of both leaders and public acknowledge the right of other countries to take certain actions that might limit U.S. sales abroad; more than 70% of both accept that the European Union and Japan should be able to require labeling of genetically modified food, even if this might keep consumers from purchasing food imported from the United States.
The public and leaders both show strong support for certain types of foreign
aid for humanitarian purpos-es. Approximately three-quarters of leaders and
the public
favor aid for birth control in poor countries to help reduce population growth,
while even larger majorities, in the 80% range, support "aid for women’s
education in poor countries to help reduce population growth."
The Changing Geopolitical Landscape
In the aftermath of 9/11, leaders and the public share a revised view of several
allies and foes. Only a quarter of each group view political turmoil in Russia
as a critical threat to the United States. Two-thirds of leaders and the public
feel that military conflict between Israel and its Arab neighbors is a critical
threat, and majorities of 70% or more in both groups prefer that the United
States not take either side in the conflict. Tensions< between India and Pakistan
have surfaced as a new concern< for both leaders and the public, with majorities
of more than 55% identifying this as a critical threat.
The President’s Foreign Policy Performance
In terms of the foreign policy process, both leaders and the public agree that
the president exercises the most influence on U.S. foreign policy and that he
should continue to do so.
General Agreement on Controversial Policies: Iraq, Nuclear Weapons,
Trade , UN Rapid Deployment Force
A substantial level of agreement between the public and the leaders we surveyed
(though not always meeting the criterion of a less than 10 percentage point
difference) is especially striking on a dozen or so issues that are controversial
in Washington. Figure 8-1 shows that only a fifth of leaders and of the public
support the United States using its troops to invade Iraq and overthrow the
government of Saddam Hussein even if we have to go it alone. No majority or
even plurality among any of the individual groups that comprise the leadership
sample supports a U.S. initiative to go it alone.
In relation to a number of questions about nuclear weapons, a similar pattern emerges. Overall, only about a fifth of leaders and of the public support the United States using nuclear weapons even if it has not suffered a nuclear attack. No majority or even plurality among the nine groups of leaders supports the first use of nuclear weapons. Majorities of Americans and of all groups of leaders support participation in the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.
Likewise, large majorities of the public and of all individual groups of leaders
favor free trade when it is linked to government programs that help workers
who lose their jobs, and they believe that international trade agreements should
require participating countries to maintain minimum standards for working conditions
and for protecting the environment. Large majorities of both leaders and ordinary
Americans also believe that the EU and Japan should be able to require labeling
of genetically modified food even if it reduces U.S. imports. Oversized majorities
from the public and all groups of leaders support joint training exercises of
UN member countries to prepare their militaries to work together in combat situations.
Where Public and Leaders Tend to Agree Overall, But
Some Leaders Disagree
On a different set of issues, leaders as a whole tend to agree with the public, but divisions among leaders mean that majorities of certain groups of leaders—especially those involved in government policy-making—may not be in line with the public's views (see Figure 8-1 for data).
Overall, majorities of the public and leaders believe that the United States should not act alone in responding to international crises. Groups of leaders outside of government agree with the public that the United States should not take action alone if it does not have the support of its allies, but majorities in all three policy-making bodies (House, Senate, and the administration) support the United States acting alone—and these are the bodies that are responsible for conducting American foreign policy.
Although majorities of the public and leaders overall support committing 1,000 troops to a rapid deployment force that the UN Security Council can call up in short notice, most respondents in the administration and in the Senate oppose this idea.
Large majorities of the public and leaders as a whole believe the United States should participate in the Kyoto agreement to reduce global warming. But majorities of leaders in business, in the Senate, and especially in the Bush administration indicate that the United States should not participate in the agreement. The Senate’s constitutional responsibility in the treaty process makes its support of the administration particularly important.
Substantial majorities of the public and of leaders overall believe that the United States should adopt the international treaty to ban the use of land mines. All individual groups of leaders agree to the treaty, with one exception that is decisive in the constitutional process for treaty ratification—the Senate, where two-thirds oppose participation.
Large majorities of the public and leaders overall believe that the United States should accept the international agreement to establish an International Criminal Court (ICC) to try individuals for war crimes, genocide, or crimes against humanity if their own country won’t try them. Although all groups of leaders outside government support participation in the ICC, none of the groups within the national government support it: majorities in the Bush administration, Senate, and House oppose participation.
Although large majorities of the public and leaders overall say the United States should not side with either Israel or the Palestinians in the Middle East conflict, there is disagreement among leaders, with the Senate split and a majority of religious leaders favoring the United States siding with Israel.